By Larissa Adler Lomnitz, E. A. Hammel
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Additional resources for Networks and Marginality. Life in a Mexican Shantytown
Jobs were few and far between. 4. 3 As elsewhere in this book, the actual names of the informants have been changed. 9 Roughly one half of all informants gave economic reasons for migration. 8% of the sample stated family reasons other than purely economic as a main motive for migration. The remainder were members of households who had migrated jointly with their husbands or their parents. A major reason for the disastrous economic situation of most migrants in their places of origin may be inferred from their occupations.
The remaining Villela families in the shanty town are relatives or descendants of the friend who had migrated with the Perez Fernandez brothers; in the meantime they all have become related through alliances or compadrazgo with the Perez Fernandez kindred. The Villela story may be regarded as characteristic of the migration pattern in Cerrada del Condor. The three initial migrants were young innovators, unmarried at the time of migration, and willing to try their luck in the large city. Once they had found a place to settle, they became as it were the bridgehead for the staggered transfer of their kin from the village to the shantytown.
There are also a few gangs of adolescent boys who are no longer going to school and who do not yet have jobs. They may be seen sitting around near the entrance to the shantytown or leaning against a wall, talking. During the morning hours there are small groups of jobless men talking outside the small shops where beer is sold. By midmorning the shantytown is bustling with activity. Street vendors walk by offering their wares to the women who work or sit out of doors. Elderly men and women set out stands in front of their homes with small amounts of merchandise.
Networks and Marginality. Life in a Mexican Shantytown by Larissa Adler Lomnitz, E. A. Hammel