By Seung-kyung Kim
This learn considers South Korean financial improvement from the viewpoint of younger lady manufacturing unit employees, who grapple with defining their roles in recognize to marriage and motherhood. Kim explores the women's person and collective struggles to enhance their positions and examines their hyperlinks with different political forces in the hard work stream. She analyzes how lady staff envision their position in society, how they deal with fiscal and social marginalization of their day-by-day lives, and the way they advance recommendations for a greater destiny.
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Additional info for Class Struggle or Family Struggle?: The Lives of Women Factory Workers in South Korea
Because low wages gave women little incentive to remain employed, it was a better economic investment for a woman to provide support services for her husband than to hold her own job. The poverty of women's labor market options made "the exchange of domestic work for financial support" something to be highly valued (Ferree 1985), and women traded off being a good wife and mother for economic support. Men who held well-paid blue-collar jobs in heavy industry were usually able to fulfill their part of this bargain, but men in more marginal situations often could not, forcing their wives to return to work in subcontracting factories under worse conditions than those prevailing in MAFEZ.
9 Under Korea's traditional patrilineal family system, daughters lost their family membership when they married, so they were not considered permanent members of their natal families. 10 An idealized image of a daughter's filial piety occurs in the popular folk tale of Sim Chong, in which an adolescent girl agrees to die in order to restore her father's eyesight. The story's continuing popularity illustrates the legacy of Confucian values. 11 Nearly a fifth of the women workers I surveyed in Masan in 1987 responded that the main reason they started to work was to provide full or partial support for their families or to help pay for their siblings' education.
Second, a subcontractor can add short-term workers more easily than a company operating in the Zone. Third, overall production costs are lower outside the zone. Out-zone processing began as soon as MAFEZ started to operate. The conditions imposed on out-zone processing were that subcontractors had to be owned by Koreans, no more than 60% of the value of the finished goods could be manufactured outside the Zone and subcontractors could not produce finished goods. Also, defective parts received by factories in the Zone had to be repaired in the Zone rather than sent back to the subcontractor that made them.
Class Struggle or Family Struggle?: The Lives of Women Factory Workers in South Korea by Seung-kyung Kim