By Thomas Stephan Eder
As China rises to worldwide strength prestige, its family members with different significant powers, together with Russia, are continuously renegotiated. power figures prominently in either nations’ international coverage. an intensive research of chinese assets – educational debate 1997-2012 – confirms a collision of pursuits over vital Asian reserves. whereas unanimous appeals to compromise render prior predictions of drawing close war of words unconvincing, descriptions of Sino-Central Asian strength family members as “central to strength security”, and the categorical rejection of a Russian “sphere of influence”, additionally exclude a retreat. within the long-term, China will most likely substitute Russia because the dominant strength in vital Asia’s strength region, inflicting the Kremlin to understand one other “encroachment”. the present idea of a “strategic partnership” will unavoidably be challenged.
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Extra resources for China-Russia Relations in Central Asia: Energy Policy, Beijing’s New Assertiveness and 21st Century Geopolitics
Interestingly, it was especially the entrance of Chinese state-investors into the Russian upstream energy sector that worried the RF’s leadership (Yang 2010:11). CNPC was excluded from the “Slavneft“ asset auction in 2002, although it would have offered the best price, (Ziegler 2008:142), and its bid to gain a controlling stake in “Stimul Oil“ in 2003 was thwarted by the Russian side – led by Gazprom – as well (Marciacq 2009:129, FN 332,333)35. Gazprom on the other side, was not able to purchase stakes in Chinese companies either (Kozyrev 2008:230), but was awarded a share of the “West-East Gas Pipeline“-project from Xinjiang to Shanghai in 2001, as part of an international consortium (Wilson 2004:86; Yu Yang 2007:34).
The PRC operated carefully through the SCO-framework to gradually gain a larger voice, and left security issues in Russia’s domain (Khodzhaev 2009:14; Rumer 2006:5; Williams 2009:160). This kind of caution by the Chinese leadership is due to an ongoing need for Russia to help stabilize the region and push back against US influence (Khodzhaev 45 See also: Sethuraman / Bierman 2011. 46 See also: Sheives 2006:215; Karrar, however, holds that it was also fears of a possible disruption of oil supply from the Middle East on account of the looming Iraq War, that made the Chinese leadership renew efforts to build a pipeline to Kazakhstan (Karrar 2009:172).
Additionally, Russia primarily intended to sell gas to China, while the latter was mainly looking for oil supply (Lo 2008:133). This leaves to specify which branches of the broadly defined energy sector will be included here. As oil and gas are front and center for both countries’ energy interests in CA, they will be primarily discussed. Nonetheless nuclear and hydro power as well as trade in electricity will also be treated. 1. Setting the Stage: The Dissolution of the Soviet Union and the End of Chinese Energy Autonomy As a background for the following developments, the status quo around the fall of the SU has to be commented on.
China-Russia Relations in Central Asia: Energy Policy, Beijing’s New Assertiveness and 21st Century Geopolitics by Thomas Stephan Eder