By Kenneth J. Calder
In 1914 the British govt was once now not drawn to nationwide self-determination in japanese Europe, yet via November 1918 it used to be deeply concerned with a variety of japanese ecu topic nationalities and used to be dedicated via implication to their independence. This e-book makes an attempt to provide an explanation for this evolution in British coverage in terms of the Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs, the 3 most crucial topic nationalities in japanese Europe. The e-book is predicated totally on the reliable files of the British govt, that have been supplemented with fabric from inner most collections. Dr Calder argues that British coverage on nationwide self-determination constructed now not because of theoretical speculations yet of the wartime family among the govt. and the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationwide agencies. This ebook strains the evolution in British family with the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationality firms from August 1914 to November 1918. It exhibits how the preliminary contacts have been tested and the way family members constructed progressively because the executive sought to take advantage of those agencies in propaganda, espionage and the formation of army devices. It makes an attempt to evaluate the consequences of this co-operation at the attitudes of British officers and the coverage of the govt..
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Extra resources for Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 (LSE Monographs in International Studies)
Since nationalism appeared to be the root of Balkan problems, the nationality principle represented a long-term political consideration. Yet when the nationality principle came into conflict with strategic necessity, the latter determined policy. Strategic considerations played a decisive role in the formation of foreign policy in part because of their own intrinsic importance and in part because of the attitude of the foreign office. It was generally assumed, particularly by Grey and Arthur Nicolson, that diplomacy in war would achieve nothing unless it was supported by favourable military action.
M. Govt. 33 Not every Pole was as well received. 34 The time had not yet come for the adoption of unorthodox methods of warfare. Even if the war office had been more daring, the Russian government would have never tolerated the formation of Polish units in the British army. The foreign office quickly learned that the Polish emigres were by no means a united group. The first indication came in relation to the Polish Information Committee, the organization co-operating with the Metropolitan police.
2: YUGOSLAVIA IN THE BALKAN NEGOTIATIONS, 1914-15 When approached by emigres, the British government accepted no commitments to national self-determination as there was no immediate advantage in adopting Utopian programmes for the future of Europe. Commitments were to be avoided as they would only restrict the government's freedom of action. With no specific war aims in eastern Europe, the government was not compelled to adopt strategy to produce specific results, but could use political issues to support military policy.
Britain and the Origins of the New Europe 1914-1918 (LSE Monographs in International Studies) by Kenneth J. Calder